Since the beginning of the last century, clinical observers accept described the propensity of certain males to be erotically aroused by the thought or image of themselves every bit women. Because there was no specific term to denote this phenomenon, clinicians' references to it were more often than not oblique or periphrastic. The closest available word was transvestism. The definition of transvestism accepted by the end of the twentieth century, however, did not but fail to capture the wide range of erotically arousing cantankerous-gender behaviors and fantasies in which women'southward garments per seplay a small function or none at all; it actually directed attention away from them. The absence of an adequate terminology became acute in the writer's research on the taxonomy of gender identity disorders in biological males. This had suggested that heterosexual, asexual, and bisexual transsexuals are more than similar to each other-and to transvestites-than any of them is to the homosexual type, and that the common feature in transvestites and the 3 types of non-homosexual transsexuals is a history of erotic arousal in association with the thought or image of themselves as women. At the aforementioned time, the writer was becoming aware of male patients who are sexually aroused only by the thought of having a woman'southward body and not at all by the idea of wearing women's dress. To make full this terminological and conceptual gap, the writer introduced the term autogynephilia(honey of oneself as a woman).

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Archives of Sexual Behavior, 5ol. 34, No. 4, August 2005, pp. 439–446 (

C

2005)

DOI: 10.1007/s10508-005-4343-eight

Early History of the Concept of Autogynephilia

Ray Blanchard, Ph.D.

i,two,3

Received August 4, 2004; revision received November 27, 2004; accepted November 27, 2004

Since the beginning of the terminal century, clinical observers have described the propensity of certain

males to be erotically aroused past the thought or image of themselves as women. Because in that location was

no specific term to denote this phenomenon, clinicians' references to it were generally oblique or

periphrastic. The closest available word was transvestism. The definition of transvestism accepted

by the cease of the twentieth century, however, did non but fail to capture the wide range of erotically

arousing cross-gender behaviors and fantasies in which women'due south garments per se play a modest

role or none at all; it actually directed attention abroad from them. The absence of an adequate

terminology became acute in the writer'south research on the taxonomy of gender identity disorders

in biological males. This had suggested that heterosexual, asexual, and bisexual transsexuals are

more similar to each other—and to transvestites—than any of them is to the homosexual type, and

that the common feature in transvestites and the 3 types of non-homosexual transsexuals is a

history of erotic arousal in association with the thought or image of themselves as women. At the

same time, the writer was becoming enlightened of male patients who are sexually aroused only by the

thought of having a woman's body and not at all by the idea of wearing women's clothes. To fill this

terminological and conceptual gap, the writer introduced the term autogynephilia (love of oneself as a

woman).

Fundamental WORDS: autogynephilia; DSM; gender dysphoria; gender identity disorder; transsexualism; transvestism.

INTRODUCTION

15 years ago, I coined the term autogynephilia

from Greek roots meaning "honey of oneself every bit a woman"

and defined information technology as a male'south propensity to be erotically

aroused by the thought or image of himself as a adult female

(Blanchard, 1989a). My identification of this erotic

orientation was not the result of any advance in imaging

technologies, laboratory assays, or computationally inten-

sivdue east statistical procedures. It was the result of a perceptual

shift—a shift in the style I saw, heard, and understood

statements that patients had been making to clinicians for

decades. In this essay, I review the perceptions of earlier

ane

Law and Mental Wellness Program, Centre for Addiction and Mental

Health—College Street Site, Toronto, Ontario, Canada.

two

Department of Psychiatry, University of Toronto, Toronto, Ontario,

Canada.

3

To whom correspondence should be addressed at Law and Mental

Health Program, Center for Addiction and Mental Health—College

Street Site, 250 College Street, Toronto Ontario M5T 1R8, Canada;

e-mail: Ray

Blanchard@camh.cyberspace.

clinicians and attempt to show how these led to my own

formulation.

The written report of autogynephilia is, more than than anything

else, the report of what people say almost their experiences.

The reader who has never heard or read autogynephiles

describe their own feelings in their own words can consult

the cocky-reports of 59 individuals compiled by Lawrence.

These are accessible in two electronic documents, "28

Narratives Most Autogynephilia" (Lawrence,1999a)and

"31 New Narratives About Autogynephilia" (Lawrence,

1999b). The following quotes from these documents give

something of the flavor of autogynephiles' accounts. Nar-

ratives numbered 1–28 are from the "28 Narratives" and

those numbered 29–59 are from the "31 New Narratives."

The defining feature of autogynephilia is reported

quite simply in many of Lawrence's collected narratives,

for instance: "The fiveery primeval of my masturbation

fantasies at effectually 12 years of age were of existence somehow

turned into a girl. They have always been the main

theme for me all through my life" (Narrative #eight). "It is

very much the idea and fantasy of having a woman's body

439

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2005 Springer Science+Business Media, Inc.

440 Blanchard

and enjoying it that I find intensely arousing. I haveastward had

that desire since puberty, and it is the ane thing that dri5es

me to sexual arousal reliably and strongly, without neglect"

(Narrativdue east#ten).Otherdeclarations include more personal,

specific particular:

An early on experience I can still vividly remember of

becoming aroused at the thought of becoming female

was when I was approximately 9 or 10 years quondam. I was

overweight and I had begun to develop breasts, solely

from my weight. I would soap my breasts in the shower

and imagine I was really a woman with a existent woman's

breasts, and I would get extremely angry. ...

...It wasn't until I really started therapy that I began

appearing in public dressed equally a female. In the early

days I would get aroused whenever anyone, a

sales clerk, a casual stranger, would address me as

"Ma'am" or perform some courtesy such as holding a

door for me. This arousal led to a heightened fear of

discovery, i.eastward., that my erection would give me away.

(Narrative #13)

It is notable that the idea of having women'southward breasts

appears to arise quite often in autogynephilic fantasy

(Blanchard, 1993a).

In other narratives, individuals talk virtually negative,

ambivalent, or paradoxical reactions to their own autogy-

nephilia:

I wasimaginingmyself telling my parents, and my doctor,

that I was really a daughter. I imagined, in fact, lying practisewn on

the operating room tabular array for my sex reassignment surgery.

I was also imagining with horror that I would become

sexually aroused. How would I explain this? How could

I even understand for myself? (Narrative #1)

I too have always had these feelings of arousal at the

mere thought of being female. And it always pissed me

off! I hated it that putting on a dress, or wearing other

feminine attire, or fifty-fifty just fantasizing about being a

normal adult female would elicit such an un-female person response,

both physically and mentally. I wanted and so badly for the

things I was doing to only experience "normal." I didn't

WPismire to exist aroused by them! (Narrative #41)

The reactions described past the writer of Narrative #41 do

not announced to exist rare. Systematic enquiry has found that

a substantial proportion of cross-dressers report that they

feel sexual arousal as an unwanted and bothersome

by-production of wearing, or changing into, women's dress

(Blanchard & Clemmensen, 1988; see too Buhrich,

1978).

Clinical vignettes and longer descriptions of auto-

gynephilic behavior published elsewhere (e.thou., Bailey,

2003, pp. 151–156; Blanchard, 1990, pp. 56–69, 1991,

1993b; Lawrence, 2004) show that there is a great variety

of ways in which the erotic idea of beingness a woman

may be symbolized, and the erotic fantasy of existence a

adult female enacted. This bespeak can also exist illustrated with

the Lawrence narratives:

Westwardearing women'south clothing and feminizing my body has

always been sexually exciting for me—even after SRS

[sex reassignment surgery]. ... it was and yet is sexually

exciting for me to have female person torso "functions." Earlier

my SRS, I would pretend to menstruate by urinating

in sanitary pads. I particularly enjoyed wearing the old

fashion belted pad with long tabs. (Narrative #sixteen)

My first experiences reading Playboy found me nigh

instantly aroused by the thought of being the model. When I

was about 18, some friends took me to an one-time fashioned

strip prove, and I got aroused, all right—as shortly equally I got

home, I put Noxzema cream on my nipples to simulate

pasties! Fifty-fifty the idea of owning a daughter's wheel has aroused

me. (Narrative #53)

The fusion of the longing to have a woman and the

longing to exist a adult female—the confounding of desire and

envy—which is oft apparent in clinical interviews with

autogynephiles, is typified by this statement:

At the very moment that most young males are first be-

coming aroused by the contrary sex, at that place are plain

a few of us who are condign aroused at [the idea of]

being the opposite sex activity. I think this with a great deal

of clarity—I became aroused by those blossoming young

girls in their brusk skirts, wishing I was them. (Narrative

#42)

Some autogynephiles conceptualize their rather compli-

cated erotic dynamics in language similar to that of

clinical observers whom I quote in the next section: "The

person I was looking for in a woman turned out to actually

be me. I never found that person, except in myself"

(Narrative #11). "Real girls come and go, merely my ane

true and permanent girlfriend was myself in female office"

(Narrativdue east #52). "Indeed, I practise believe that, underneath it

all, the overpowering desire to be female is simply the

urge to procreate turned within out" (Narrative #iii).

Even the briefest introduction to the erotic fantasies

of beingness a woman must include a description of their

role in autogynephiles' sexual interactions with existent (i.e.,

external) women:

I have been in a steady relationship with a lady some

eight years older than me. ...Weastward regularly have sex and

I really savor getting her excited and giving her orgasms.

She gets to a point where she wants me inside her, and

I do this, but I unremarkably have to imagine I am the woman

to have an orgasm myself. For some reason she likes

to have her legs closed, so I am commonly the one with

my legs spread, which reinforces my fantasy of being the

one who is penetrated. I have non told her what I fantasize

virtually during sex, and have not told her that I have started

hormones. (Narrative #54)

In some cases, unsuspecting wives may exist disconcerted

by their husbands' behavior during intercourse: "I still

Early History of Autogynephilia 441

call up that odd look she gave me when I once

used the words 'my pussy' in sex talk" (Narrative #15).

In other cases, wives are aware of, and sometimes

cooperative regarding, their husband's erotic preferences:

"Even though my wife is a natural female, I can block her

out and make believe she is penetrating me; or when I am

lucky, she will play along and kiss me with her natural language

and tell me what a pretty girl I am" (Narrative #47).

Another aspect of autogynephiles' interpersonal

sexual behavior is also notationworthy. Autogynephiles some-

times develop a special type of erotic involvement in men, an

involvement that depends on their erotic fantasy of themselves

as women:

I have also had sexual encounters with eight men. ...I

plant I enjoyed the physical aspects of this blazon of sex

and felt I was confirming my womanhood past being a

passive partner. All these encounters occurred while I

was [cross-] dressed and were all ane night stands. I

have never been interested in sex with a homo when I was

presenting as a human myself. (Narrativeast #54)

It is common for autogynephiles to fantasize that their

anus is a vagina while they experience anal penetration,

either by a real male person partner or by a cocky-inserted dildo

during lonely masturbation. In rare cases, the dildo may

be fastened to some mechanical device representing the

full male anatomy, for case, a mannequin or dummy

with movable arms (due east.g., Bailey, 2003, p. 154).

The retrospective accounts of adult autogynephiles

signal that some individuals begin to feel au-

togynephilic behaviors or fantasies prior to puberty.

This has not yet been confirmed by statements obtained

directly from children. At that place have, however, been parental

observations of penile erection in cross-dressing boys as

young as three years former (Zucker & Blanchard, 1997).

EARLY AND MIDDLE TWENTIETH

CENTURY Idea

There is ample eastvidence in the clinical literature that

clinical practitioners have been aware of the phenomenon

of autogynephilia since early in the last century. Because

they had no characterization or definition for this phenomenon,

however, their references to it were oblique or epi-

grammatic. In some cases, clinicians described patients'

behaviors that clearly struck them equally having some special

significance, but they did not have the terminology or

conceptual tools to identify the underlying motivation equally

autogynephilic.

Epigrammatic allusions to autogynephilia may be

found in the writings of Magnus Hirschfeld (1868–

1935). Hirschfeld was the brilliant German physician who

coined the term transvestism in 1910. He is generally

credited with being the first clinician to distinguish

homosexuality per se from transvestism and other cross-

gender phenomena. He identified the erotic idea of existence

a woman in a subgroup of cross-dressing males:

We are almost tempted to believeast that we are here faced

with a splitting of the personality in the sense that the

masculine component in the psyche of these men is

sexually stimulated by the feminine component and that

they feel attracted non by the women outside them, but

by the woman inside them. (1948, p. 167)

Hirschfeld appears to have been, or to havdue east become, aware

that autogynephilia does not always completely obliterate

erotic interest in (external) women, and in other writings

(e.g., 1925, pp. 199–200) he modified his own adage

to the effect that certain cantankerous-dressers love the woman

inside them in addition to the women outside them.

Hirschfeld may have had autogynephilia in mind,

among other things, when he made the following com-

ments about his invented term transvestism:

We have denoted this impulse every bit "transvestite," from

"trans," "beyond," and "vestitus," "clothed," and readily

admit that this name indicates only the most obvious

aspect of this phenomenon, less so its inner, purely

psychological kernel. (1948, p. 158)

It is unlikely that Hirschfeld was referring solely to

autogynephilia as the "inner, purely psychological kernel"

of transvestism, because, in his later on writings, he also

applied the term transvestite to homosexual male-to-

female transsexuals and to female-to-male transsexuals,

neither of which manifests autogynephilia. One thing,

however, is for certain. Many afterwards (and lesser) clinicians

who wrote about erotically motivated cross-dressing went

in precisely the contrary direction to that indicated past

Hirschfeld, and focused on the individual's use of clothing

rather than his mental content. This literalist approach

is exemplified by the diagnostic criteria for "Transvestic

Fetishism" in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of

Mental Disorders (American Psychiatric Clan,

2000), which make no mention of erotic ideation re-

garding the female persona. The accent placed by

many writers on the physical backdrop of clothing used

for cantankerous-dressing (silky textures, striking colors) probable

militated against the realization that erotic arousal at the

idea of existence a woman could arise with no ideas or

actions involving women's apparel at all.

Havelock Ellis (1859–1939), another of the

great, classic sexologists, had perceptions like to

Hirschfeld'due south, although he couched them in somewhat

unlike linguistic communication. Ellis used the term Eonism, normally

in regard to nonhomosexual males, to designate overt

cross-gender behavior as well as subjective feelings;

442 Blanchard

he sometimes used an alternative term, sexo-aesthetic

inversion, for the aforementioned affair. In his view:

The Eonist is embodying, in an farthermost caste, the

artful aspect of imitation of, and identification with,

the admired object. It is normal for a man to place

himself with the woman he loves. The Eonist carries that

identification as well far. (1935, p. 244)

In other writings, Ellis reiterated his opinion that

"Eonism" and normal heterosexual interest have some

common point of origin: "Psychologically speaking, it

seems to me that we must regard sexo-aesthetic inversion

as actually a modification of normal hetero-sexuality" (1928,

p. 103).

Throughout most of the 20th century, psychiatry and

psychology were dominated by psychodynamic theories,

and simple descriptions of patients' behavior were less

interesting to clinical authors than their theories almost

this behavior. This propensity can exist seen in the next few

examples of early clinical commentary on autogynephilic

phenomena. The reader should bear in listen when reading

these examples (and when studying the old literature

generally) that many writers used the term transvestite

for persons who would today be called transgendered or

transsexual.

Otto Fenichel (1897–1946) was a prominent psy-

choanalyst and author. Fenichel (1930), writing on

transvestism, also noted autogynephilic phenomena in

terms non dissimilar from Hirschfeld and Ellis. He did

not, however, dwell long at the descriptive lefiveel:

Love for the subject's own self—phantasies that the

masculine chemical element in his nature tin can have intercourse

with the feminine (i.e. with himself) are not uncommon.

Love for the phallic mother is ofttimes transformed into

dear for the ego in which a change has been wrought

by identification with her. This is a feature in the psychic

picture which has struck even non-analytical writers, who

have described a narcissistic type of transvestist. (p. 214)

Although Fenichel noted the same fantasies as Hirschfeld

and Ellis, he as well, in a sense, denied their importance. In

Fenichel's view, the transvestite's driving fantasy was not

the conscious thought of himself equally a westsultanate of oman with a vulva

but rather the unconscious thought of himself as a adult female

with a penis.

Buckner (1970) advanced an elaborate theory of

the developmental events leading to transvestism. In

his theory, the future transvestite begins with fetishistic

masturbation, but then

begins to build in fantasy a more complete masturbation

paradigm... . Through a procedure of identification and fan-

tastic socialization he takes the gratificatory object into

himself ... [The next step] involves this elaboration of

masturbation fantasies into the developmentof a feminine

self. ... [which is] gratifying in both sexual and social

ways. When it becomes fixed in his identity, he begins

to relate toward himself in some particulars as if he were

his own wife. (pp. 383–384, 387)

Thus, Buckner besides recognized the erotic thought of existence

a woman, although it is debatable whether he located it

correctly in the developmental sequence.

The 20th century writers varied considerably in

their ability or willingness to differentiate autogynephilia

(erotic involvement in the idea of being a woman) from

homosexuality (erotic interest in men and men's bodies).

The post-obit quote from Karpman (1947) provides a

expert instance of failure to make this distinction:

If a married man insists in his relations with his married woman in

occupying the succubus position and at the aforementioned time

demands of her that she massage his breasts, this can

hardly be interpreted equally anything else simply an expression

of unconscious or latent homosexuality. (p. 293)

It was self-axiomatic to Karpman that such behavior beto-

kened a sexual interest in men; he never even considered

that the primal and irreducible sexual stimulus was

the idea of existence a woman.

There is prove that other writers, in contrast,

were aware of the deviation between true homosexual

attraction and autogynephilically mediated allure—

the divergence between sexual interest in men for their

bodies and sexual interest in men for their symbolic

5alue every bit accoutrements of femininity. Thus, Henry (1948),

writing at almost the aforementioned time as Karpman, reported

as uncomplicated fact the remark of a married cross-dresser

concerning one of his homosexual encounters: "It was

all from the betoken of vanity of existence a woman. I haveastward

absolutely no taste for homosexuality itself" (p. 495).

In summary, the generations of clinicians following

Hirschfeld and Havelock Ellis had, to varying degrees,

some awareness of the existence of autogynephilia. In the

absence of a characterization and a definition for this phenomenon,

however, they were unable to systematize their obser-

vations or to communicate them very effectively to any

audience.

THE PIVOT POINT

The first real accelerate in this area, after the seminal

observations of Hirschfeld, was fabricated by another of the

great 20th century sexologists, Kurt Freund (1914–1996).

Although he was born and educated in Prague, Freund

was, like Hirschfeld, a native German speaker. This is

likely more than than coincidence. During his formative years

equally a sexologist, Freund had read and absorbed the works

of Hirschfeld (as well equally other German sexologists of

Early History of Autogynephilia 443

the pre-Due westorld War Two period). A Northward American-born

psychiatrist or psychologist would havdue east been considerably

less likely to be familiar with Hirschfeld'due south thinking, first,

because many of Hirschfeld'southward books were destroyed past the

Nazis—Hirschfeld was a Jew—and second, because none

of Hirschfeld's major original writings (even the famous

Dice Transvestiten) was translated into English until more

than 50 years after his death (Hirschfeld, 1910/1991).

In the late 1970s, when I first met him, Freund

was working on a report that he somewhen published

nether the title "Two Types of Cantankerous-Gender Identity"

(Freund, Steiner, & Chan, 1982). Freund was interested in

determining whether cross-gender identity in homosexual

males is the same clinical entity equally cross-gender identity in

heterosexual males. His eventual conclusion was captured

in the title of the commodity: In that location are ii distinct types

of cross-gender identity. The feminine gender identity

that develops in homosexual males is different from the

feminine gender identity that develops in heterosexual

males. In other words, homosexual and heterosexual men

cannot "grab" the aforementioned gender identity disorder in the

way that homosexual and heterosexual men can both

"catch" the identical strain of influenza virus. Each class

of men is susceptible to its own blazon of gender identity

disorder and but its ain type of gender identity disorder.

The reason that I stress this 1982 article is that in information technology

Freund, perhaps for the first time of any author, employed

a term other than "transvestism" to denote erotic arousal

in association with cantankerous-gender fantasy. His reasons for

doing and then are non clear in the article, and I cannot fully trust

my recollections of conversations nearly the manuscript

from 25 years agone. I doubtable, however, that he wanted

to reserve the term "transvestism" for his definition of

a item syndrome: "Transvestism is the condition in

which a person fantasizes her- or himself every bit a member

of the contrary sexual practice simply when sexually aroused" (Freund

et al., 1982, p. 54). This left Freund with a terminological

trouble. He now needed a separate term to denote erotic

arousal in clan with cantankerous-gender fantasy, because

this phenomenon could occur in individuals who would

not come across his definition of transvestites. He therefore

coined the term cross-gender fetishism, which he was very

careful to distinguish from "fetishism proper":

cross-gender fetishism is characterized by the subject's

fantasizing, during fetishistic activity, that she or he

belongs to the opposite sex ... the fetish, in such cases

always an object characteristic of the opposite sexual practice, is used

to induce or enhance cross-gender identity. (p. 50)

Elsewhere in the article, Freund pointed out that clothing

characteristic of the opposite sex is usually, but not always,

the individual's favorite symbol of his own femininity.

The significance of Freund'south terminological innova-

tion for my own thinking was the follofly: It freed up, if

ever so slightly, the erotic idea of being a woman from the

word "transvestism" and from any necessary clan

with women'southward garments. This set the stage for me later to

free upwardly the idea completely.

THE INTRODUCTION OF THE

TERM AUTOGYNEPHILIA

In 1980 I accepted a full-fourth dimension position in the Gender

Identity Clinic at the quondam Clarke Plant of Psychiatry

in Toronto, Ontario, Canada (at present officially called the

College Street Site of the Centre for Addiction and

Mental Health). I before long thereafter decided, like many

investigators before me, that further typological research

on gender identity disorders was needed.

The clinical literature at that time included a confus-

ing array of classification schemes for gender identity

disorders in biological males (come across Blanchard, 1989a).

One thing on which virtually authorities did agree was

that gender identity disorders are phenomenologically

and probably etiologically heterogeneous. The taxonomic

question, therefore, was not whether there is more than

one type of transsexualism in males, but rather, how

many more than ane type, and how these should be

characterized.

The research strategy that I used for this question was

to start past distinguishing a larger number of groups and

so reduce this to a smaller number by combining groups

that seem to be merely superficially different variants.

Although I was a frequent collaborator of Kurt Freund'southward in

those days—and still very much his student and prot

´

eg

´

east—

I did not begin this project with his 1982 typology. Instead,

I started this enquiry program past returning to the first

taxonomic scheme ever proposed, namely, that advanced

by Hirschfeld.

Hirschfeld (1918) basically distinguished four primary

types of "Transvestiten," co-ordinate to their erotic interest

in men, women, both, or neither. (The last blazon lacks

erotic interest in other people but not necessarily all sexual

drivdue east.) Hirschfeld labeled these types the same way that he

labeled non-transsexual individuals, that is, according to

their biological sex activity. Thus, in Hirschfeld'due south terminology, a

male person-to-female transsexual who was erotically attracted to

men would be labeled a homosexual transsexual. I began

my inquiry past defining and labeling the same groups

of male-to-female person transsexuals identified by Hirschfeld:

homosexual, heterosexual, bisexual, and asexual (i.due east.,

transsexuals attracted to men, women, both, or neither,

respectively).

444 Blanchard

The core of the research consisted of three stud-

ies (Blanchard, 1985, 1988, 1989b). The participants

were gender-dysphoric, biologically male person patients who

presented at the then Clarke Establish of Psychiatry.

The data were private items or multi-item measures

from a self-administered, paper-and-pencil questionnaire.

The participants were classified as heterosexual, asexual,

bisexual, or homosexual co-ordinate to their scores on two

of these measures, the Modified Androphilia and Modified

Gynephilia Scales (Blanchard, 1985). A patient'due south data

were used in one or more of these studies if he indicated,

in response to a cardinal questionnaire particular, that he had

felt similar a woman at all times for at least 1 year. The

dependent variables included age at clinical presentation

equally well as various measures of fetishistic response to cross-

dressing, degree of recalled childhood femininity, amount

of interpersonal heterosexual experience, and history of

erotic arousal in association with thoughts of being a

adult female.

The results of this taxonomic research indicated that

heterosexual, asexual, and bisexual transsexuals are more

like to each other—and to transvestites—than whatsoever of

them is to the homosexual type. Asexual and bisexual

transsexualism seemed to be variant forms of heterosexual

transsexualism, and transvestism to exist a not-besides-distant

cousin. This left me to respond the question: What is information technology

that transvestites and the three types of not-homosexual

transsexuals have in mutual? It was clear to me, past this

point, that the mutual feature is a history of erotic arousal

in association with the thought or image of oneself as a

adult female.

By the late 1980s, the lack of a discussion to denote a

male's propensity to be sexually aroused by the idea of

himself every bit a woman was condign a constant problem in

my writing. Freund'south term cross-gender fetishism came

closer to describing this phenomenon than the familiar

term transvestism , in that the definition of cantankerous-gender

fetishism explicitly included the chemical element of cantankerous-gender

ideation. Freund's concept of cross-gender fetishism

notwithstanding, however, implied the presence of a fetish-object,

even if it allowed that object to be some symbol of

femininity other than wear. (I take already given the

example of germ-free napkins, which some men use to

simulate menstruation during masturbatory rituals.) The

term cross-gender fetishism therefore did not seem quite

satisfactory for my purposes. I was becoming increasingly

convinced that, at to the lowest degree for some men, the thought of beingness

a adult female was central to their erotic excitement, and

that the specific objects they used to symbolize their

femininity were secondary and interchangeable. I was

strengthened in this conviction by the follofly patient,

whom I described at length in 1 report (Blanchard,

1991) and more than briefly as below:

Philip was a 38-year-one-time professional man referred

to the author'south clinic for cess. His presenting

complaint was chronic gender dysphoria, which had led,

on occasion, to episodes of depression severe enough to

disrupt his professional life. Philip began masturbating

at puberty, which occurred at age 12 or thirteen. The primeval

sexual fantasy he could recall was that of having a

adult female'southward body. When he masturbated, he would imagine

that he was a nude adult female lying alone in her bed. His

mental imagery would focus on his breasts, his vagina,

the softness of his peel, and so on—all the feature

features of the female physique. This remained his

favorite sexual fantasy throughout life. Philip cantankerous-

dressed only once in his life, at the age of 6. This consisted

of trying on a dress belonging to an older cousin. When

questioned why he did not cross-dress at present—he

lived solitary and there was goose egg to prevent him—he

indicated that he just did not experience strongly impelled to

do so. (Blanchard, 1993b, p. 70)

This patient had non the slightest motivation that I could

detect for distorting his self-study in this item mode,

and his presentation seemed to me the final evidence

that the erotic idea of being a woman could exist in the

complete absenteeism of any interest in women's clothing or

any other fetish-object.

I therefore reluctantly concluded that I had no

alternative but to invent a new word. My colleagues

and I at the Clarke Establish were accepted—again,

nether the influence of Kurt Freund—to referring to the

erotic preference for adult women every bit gynephilia rather

than heterosexuality, considering the former denotes both the

gender and the historic period of an individual's preferred partners,

whereas the latter denotes only the gender. Information technology was thus a

small step for me to prefix gynephilia with automobile to produce

autogynephilia.

THE Phenomenon OF AUTOGYNEPHILIA

VERSUS THEORIES INVOLVING

AUTOGYNEPHILIA

It is important to distinguish between the phe-

nomenon of autogynephilia and theoretical statements

involving autogynephilia. The being of autogynephilia

as a distinguishable form of sexual behavior is scarcely

in dubiety. During the past 15 years, numerous individuals

havdue east come up forward, outside of clinical contexts, to say

that, aye, indeed, the published descriptions of autogy-

nephilic behavior and feelings closely match their ain

histories (due east.g., Ekins & Male monarch, 2001). Their testimonials are

sometimes accompanied past expressions of comfort and

relief at learning of the existence of fellow travelers, some-

times by expressions of grief and acrimony at the confirmation

Early History of Autogynephilia 445

that their feelings stand for a distinct paraphilia and by

moving requests for assistance. Unless all these individuals

haveastward been motivated past obscure and perverse desires to

claim emotions they takenever actually felt, their statements

constitute further evidence that autogynephilia exists and

that it is not extraordinarily rare.

Theoretical statements involving autogynephilia are

a rather different thing. I have, at ane time or some other,

advanced several of these, for instance:

1. All gender-dysphoric biological males who are

not homosexual (erotically aroused by other

males) are instead autogynephilic (erotically

aroused past the idea or image of them-

selves as females) (Blanchard, 1989a; Blanchard,

Clemmensen, & Steiner, 1987).

2. Autogynephilia does not occur in women, that

is, biological females are not sexually aroused by

the elementary thought of possessing breasts or vulvas

(see Lawrence, 1999c).

3. The desire of some autogynephilic males for

sex reassignment surgery represents a class of

bonding to the love-object and is coordinating to the

desire of heterosexual men to marry wives and

the desire of homosexual men to establish perma-

nent relationships with male person partners (Blanchard,

1991, 1993c).

4. Autogynephilia is a misdirected type of hetero-

sexual impulse, which arises in association with

normal heterosexuality just besides competes with it

(Blanchard, 1992).

5. Autogynephilia is merely i due eastxample of a

larger form of sexual variations that upshot from

developmental errors of erotic target localization

(Blanchard, 1993b; Freund & Blanchard, 1993).

All or none of the foregoing propositions may be

true, simulated, or something in between. Their accuracy

is an empirical question that can be resolved only by

farther research. In the meantime, it is of import to

distinguish between the truth or falseness of theories well-nigh

autogynephilia, on the i hand, and the existence or

nonexistence of autogynephilia, on the other. The latter

is also an empirical question, only it appears, at this point,

to exist settled. The principal evidence that autogynephilia

exists is the self-report of biological males who say

"I am sexually excited past the idea of having breasts,"

"I am sexually excited by the idea of having a vagina,"

"I am sexually due eastxcited past the idea of existence a woman."

There is no detail reason to believe that these individu-

als are just distorting the familiar transvestitic narrative

to make information technology more acceptable to others. How is it more

socially desirable for a man to acknowledge that he is sexually

excitedby the idea of havingbreasts than to admit that he is

sexuallyexcited by wearing a brassiere? How does a homo's

behavior sound more normal if he admits to pretending

that his anus is a vagina while he inserts dildos into it than

if he admits to a predilection for wearing panties? Thus,

even a skeptical view of the data provides trivial reason

for doubting that autogynephilia eastxists as a discriminable

erotic involvement—either a superordinate category including

transvestism or a correlate of information technology.

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... Ide o plurál, keďže v tejto kategórii sú známe ďalšie podtypy: ane. bisexuálny transsexualizmus, čo je eroticko-sexuálne zameranie na sexuálne objekty oboch pohlaví, two. analoerotický transsexualizmus, kde je eroticko-sexuálne zameranie na sexuálne objekty mužského alebo ženského pohlavia neprítomné (zo slov "an" -nedostatok, nedostatočný, "allooerotic" -adjektívum súvisiace so sexuálnou preferenciou objektu, ktorý je inou osobou), pričom transrodový človek nemusí byť zameraný na žiadny sexuálny objekt, čo sa označuje ako asexuálny transsexualizmus, alebo je sexuálne zameraný na predstavu seba samého ako príslušníka opačného pohlavia, čo sa v staršej literatúre označovalo ako automonosexuálny transsexualizmus (22). Kým Rohleder automonosexualizmus chápal ako verziu patologického narcizmu, v ktorom je jedinec vzrušený z vlastného tela, Hirschfeld už hovoril o erotickom vzrušení z predstavy seba samého ako ženy, teda ženy vo svojom vnútri (24). Automonosexualizmus vyjadruje skôr motivačný stav ako jeho konkrétnu expresiu a má blízko ku transvestizmu. ...

... Historicky súvisí due south koncepciami transvestického transsexualizmu a fetišistického transsexualizmu, v ktorom nešlo o homosexuálnu orientáciu subjektu, ale o jeho erotické zaujatie ženským oblečením a telom, respektíve predstavou seba samého ako ženy. Pre inkonzistenciu termínu automonosexualizmus ho Ray Blanchard nahradil pojmom autogynefília, ktorá je eroticko-sexuálnym zameraním mužského subjektu na predstavu seba samého ako ženy (22,24). Autogynefília sa môže prejaviť nielen ako nehomosexuálny transsexualizmus, ale u osôb bez rodovej inkongruencie aj ako fetišistický transvestizmus (24). ...

... Pre inkonzistenciu termínu automonosexualizmus ho Ray Blanchard nahradil pojmom autogynefília, ktorá je eroticko-sexuálnym zameraním mužského subjektu na predstavu seba samého ako ženy (22,24). Autogynefília sa môže prejaviť nielen ako nehomosexuálny transsexualizmus, ale u osôb bez rodovej inkongruencie aj ako fetišistický transvestizmus (24). ...

  • Michal Patarák Michal Patarák

Gender Incongruence of Adolescence and Adulthood is characterised by a marked and persistent incongruence between an individual´southward experienced gender and the assigned sex activity, which often leads to a want to transition, in social club to live and be accustomed as a person of the experienced gender. The article presents the essential differences between the concepts of gender incongruence, gender dysphoria and transsexualism, every bit well as a basic medical overview of the issue.

... Autogynephilia is a natal male'southward propensity to be sexually aroused by the thought or prototype of being a adult female (Blanchard, 1989a), and it is the best studied example of a possible ETII (Blanchard, 2005;Lawrence, 2013). Autogynephilia occurs in natal males who are sexually attracted to women (Blanchard, 1991(Blanchard, , 1993aFreund & Blanchard, 1993;Lawrence, 2007). ...

Sexual orientation is conventionally understood equally relative attraction to men versus women. Information technology has recently been argued that male sexual orientation in particular tin be extended to include other dimensions of sexual attraction besides gender. One such dimension is sexual maturity, or relative allure to children versus adults. A less familiar dimension is location, or relative attraction to other individuals versus sexual arousal by the fantasy of being one of those individuals. Erotic target identity inversions (ETIIs) refer to some men's sexual arousal by the fantasy of being the same kinds of individuals to whom they are sexually attracted. Thus, ETIIs reverberate the motion from external allure to internal attraction on the dimension of location. ETIIs can motivate men to modify their appearance and beliefs to get more like the individuals to whom they are sexually attracted. ETIIs as well provide a compelling theoretical explanation for otherwise puzzling phenomena, such as cantankerous-dressing among heterosexual men, desire for limb amputation, and the furry phenomenon. Despite its scientific and clinical value, the concept of ETIIs has been underappreciated and understudied. This chapter reviews the ETIIs that accept been previously identified in the literature, addresses of import bug related to ETIIs, discusses the causes and development of ETIIs, and proposes future directions for research.

... La reconnaissance identitaire prime number désormais sur la vie et l'orientation sexuelle, alors que, dans un passé encore récent, l'orientation sexuelle était considérée comme une dimension centrale du diagnostic et du succès des procédures de « réassignation sexuelle ». L'approche des situations trans au prisme des paraphilies, telles que le « transvestisme fétichiste » ou 50'autogynéphilie [vi] qui a pu être déterminante dans fifty'élaboration du diagnostic psychiatrique, ouvrant la possibilité aux traitements hormonaux et chirurgicaux, a été abandonnée dans les dernières éditions du DSM-5 et de la CIM-eleven [seven,eight]. Lorsqu'une femme trans 2 expliquait son projet de réassignation, celui-ci pouvait être plus facilement accordé dans le cadre d'un projet de couple hétérosexuel, c'est-à-dire avec une orientation « androphile ». ...

  • Géraldine Bray
  • Alain Giami Alain Giami

Résumé Objectifs Comprendre la place et les évolutions des prises en charge médicales et psychologiques de la vie sexuelle des femmes trans, dans le cadre des parcours de transition/affirmation de genre. Méthode Une revue narrative de la littérature médicale, psychiatrique et psychologique. Après sélection, 19 articles ont été retenus et analysés de façon anterior à l'aide de la théorie ancrée et des méthodes classiques d'analyse de contenu thématique. Résultats La majorité des articles recensés et analysés font le constat d'une relative absence de recherches sur le thème de la vie sexuelle. Les traitements chirurgicaux de réassignation sexuelle augmentent significativement la qualité de la vie sexuelle des femmes trans sauf dans le cadre de la pose d'united nations « néovagin ». Les changements d'orientation sexuelle ne sont pas toujours liés aux éléments du traitement entrepris par les personnes mais apparaissent liés à d'autres facteurs psychosociaux. Discussion Les catégories d'orientation sexuelle sont fluides autant que les pratiques sexuelles et le genre. Elles évoluent selon le moment de vie des personnes interrogées dans une parole singulière. Conclusions Après avoir longtemps été considérée comme un élément central du diagnostic de « transsexualisme », la question de la sexualité et notamment de l'orientation sexuelle des personnes apparaît actuellement peu prise en compte dans les parcours de soin. Cette absence est critiquée fortement par les auteurs des principales revues de la littérature déjà publiées. On suggère une meilleure prise en compte de la vie sexuelle comme élément clinique de l'histoire singulière des femmes trans. On detect par ailleurs que la pratique des opérations chirurgicales sur les organes génitaux n'occupe pas la place centrale qu'elle occupait encore récemment et que la question de la sexualité se pose indépendamment des modifications anatomiques génitales.

... The CD hypothesis does non integrate the changes in conceptualization of the DSM-5, despite citing information technology equally a reference. Instead, the CD hypothesis makes extensive use of Blanchard'southward typology of transsexuality and "feminine essence theory" (Blanchard, 2005(Blanchard, , 2008, disregarding information technology's sexist and homophobic logic and its incompatibility with the understanding of gender incongruence of the DSM-five. ...

  • Eric Llaveria Caselles

This study undertakes an analysis of the conceptualization of gender identity in neuroscientific studies of (trans)gender identity that contrast the brains of cisgender and transgender participants. The analysis focuses on instances of epistemic injustice that combine scientific deficiencies and the exclusion of relevant bodies of knowledge. The results of a content analysis show how the ignoring of biosocial, developmental, mosaicist, contextualist, and depathologizing approaches leads to internal conceptual inconsistencies, hermeneutical deficiencies and the upholding of questionable paradigms in the research field. Interviews with researchers involved in these brain studies reveal targeted and diffuse forms of testimonial injustice against alternative approaches, promoted by the hierarchical arrangements of inquiry teams in combination with the careerist and economic logic of research. The analysis points to the exclusion of critical epistemologies of science and the historical oppression of trans people every bit epistemic agents equally the underlying hermeneutical deficiencies.

  • Beatriz Pagliarini Bagagli

Este trabalho tem o objetivo de abordar criticamente a teoria da autoginefilia de Ray Blanchard. Segundo o autor, existem dois tipos de mulheres transexuais em função de suas sexualidades: aquelas atraídas por homens e todas as demais, que seriam autoginefílicas. A autoginefilia, compreendida como uma parafilia, designa um conjunto de fantasias sexuais a respeito da imagem de si mesmo/a enquanto mulher. Blanchard postula que a etiologia da identidade feminina em mulheres transexuais não-androfílicas seja a autoginefilia. Nos debruçamos, desta forma, sobre a literatura crítica a respeito practise tema, dando especial enfoque às perspectivas das próprias mulheres transexuais. Sustentamos que a teoria proposta por Blanchard é não apenas inconsistente com as narrativas das próprias mulheres transexuais, como também responsável por reiterar visões estigmatizantes a respeito da sexualidade das mulheres transexuais, particularmente daquelas que não se atraem exclusivamente por homens.

  • David Pilgrim David Pilgrim

The meta-theoretical resources of critical realism (CR) is deployed in order to examine transgender and healthcare. CR treads a middle way between positivism and postmodernism, inside mail-Popperian discussions of the philosophy of natural and social scientific discipline. It focuses on the weather condition of possibility for the emergence of a phenomenon under investigation. In this instance, the focus is on the emergence of debates most transgenderism in healthcare. These have been technological (most the prospect of biomedical solutions to personal bug) and ideological, with the enlarged salience of identity politics and our currently unresolved "civilisation wars." Identity politics accept brought a focus on epistemological privilege or "lived feel" and on rights to healthcare being driven by consumer choice. The electric current contestation and its history are discussed in relation to our four planar social being (nature, relationality, socio-economic structures, and our particular personalities) and time to come scenarios are rehearsed.

  • Giulio Perrotta Giulio Perrotta

Purpose: The aim of this inquiry is to discover any clinical evidence in patients on the footing of their sexual orientation choice. The starting hypothesis, taking into account the neurobiological and endocrinological information of the last twenty years on the subject area of sexual orientation, is to demonstrate an increase in psychopathological indexation in non-heterosexual patients, and then to notice among the possible psychological causal hypotheses which indicators are most present in the individual clinical history, in order to demonstrate that sexual orientation other than heterosexuality is an adaptation to a previous psychological trauma with a stiff emotional and sexual impact. This enquiry work aims to answer the following 1 question: "Are there any dysfunctional psychological factors that occur more frequently in whatsoever of the 5 identifi ed groups?". Methods: Clinical interview and administration of the PICI-ane and PSM-ane. Results: In the male heterosexual grouping, the psychopathological values were 43.96%, with a greater presence of neurotic disorders, while in the female person heterosexual group, the values were 57.27%, with the same majority constitute in the male person group. In the male person homosexual group, the psychopathological values were 66%, with a greater presence of neurotic disorders, while in the female homosexual group, the values were 76.97%, with the same majority found in the male person group. In the male bisexual grouping the psychopathological values were 76.44%, with a greater presence of neurotic disorders, while in the female person bisexual group the values were 70%, with the same bulk as in the male group. In the groups related to the other sexual orientations (bi-curiosity, asexuality and pansexuality), none of the respondents ticked "None of the above", thus endorsing the thesis that at least one of these factors could be a concomitant crusade of the onset of not-heterosexual preference. With reference to the results obtained from the PSM-1, to the question "Are at that place dysfunctional psychological factors that occur more frequently?" the ticking of "None of the higher up" emerges in half of the respondents and tends to decrease to nix in the non-heterosexual orientations, confi rming the tendency already underlined. Conclusions: The topic under consideration is very thorny, more for its socio-political implications than for its clinical ones. Here, in fact, is non at stake whatsoever judgment of merit or class, merely the exact clinical placement in the cognitive and experiential framework. These considerations are completely detached and far from whatsoever form of judgment or condemnation ethical, moral, social and personal. On the subject of the pathologization of sexual orientations other than heterosexuality, between the two theses under discussion (confi rmation, on the one paw, or disconfi rmation, on the other), this research suggests the "median" position that on the 1 manus confirms the non-pathological nature of sexual orientations other than heterosexuality in itself (since there is no scientifi c prove to the opposite), but on the other confi rms the hypothesis that, on the footing of the person's feel, psychopathological weather can coexist that require psychotherapeutic intervention, regardless of the orientation in itself. In conclusion, therefore, significant data sally from this enquiry in favor of the psychological etiological hypothesis (fifty-fifty if the writer adheres to the multi-causal hypothesis) according to which in sexual orientations other than heterosexuality in that location is a marked indexation of psychopathological and dysfunctional traits compared to the heterosexual group, with the presence of causal indicators identifi ed in PSM-1 in increasing numbers in the same non-heterosexual groups. These information would back up the hypothesis that non-heterosexual orientations could actually be the adaptive event of a psychological trauma, with a strong emotional and sexual impact (including corruption, violence, neurobiological, hormonal, and somatic predispositions, affective-emotional dysregulation with reference figures, and socio�environmental and family readjustments), in itself therefore non pathological simply circumstances favoring negative and unfavorable dynamics, of social and environmental matrix, such every bit to favor or beal psychopathological conditions, including mood, depressive, obsessive, somatic, personality and suicidal disorders.

  • Elliot Pohlmann
  • Lauren Nutile
  • James Levenson

Introduction Paraphilias are a frequently uncomfortable topic for clinicians to come across during a clinical interview. Autogynephilia, a paraphilic condition characterized by a male person'south sexual arousal at the idea of himself every bit a female, represents a relatively unfamiliar topic in the realm of psychosomatic medicine. Case Details We describe a instance of a male patient who obtained medications without prescription, specifically estrogen supplementation, to alleviate the effects of a paraphilic preoccupation that he self-diagnosed as autogynephilia. This is believed to accept led to spontaneous bilateral pulmonary emboli formed during hospitalization. Discussion This report calls attention to the abilities of patients to obtain medications from unregulated online sources without physician oversight. In the context of thoughts or behaviors that prove hard to discuss with clinicians, this may predispose some individuals to putting themselves at significant gamble. Conclusions In self-medicating sorry paraphilic ideations for a prolonged period, this individual was predisposed to the hypercoagulable state that resulted in a pulmonary embolism during psychiatric hospitalization.

  • Nora Mathe Nora Mathe

This chapter analyzes, with the help of Julia Serano's manifesto Whipping Daughter, the pregnant ascribed to "passing" by the LGBTQ+ community. In her 2007 volume, Serano details the mode in which femininity is a scapegoat used to gatekeep transsexuals and whatever queer identifying person from the rigid groups of "male person" and "female" binary sexuality. She points out that trans women'due south value is showcased in pop culture by hypersexualizing and over-feminizing them. The aim is to cater for the straight male person gaze, instead of representing these women as real people and creating a functioning of their lived experience. Hence trans women'due south passing is considered both a trapping tactic, and an act to invade biological women'southward spaces. In my paper, I will examine Serano's fight against the misguided way trans women are viewed by a non-trans society.

The in situ remediation of contaminated soil is increasingly regarded as a mature remediation variant. However, when the subject is brought up, a number of questions usually arise. This chapter gives an overview of the near frequently asked questions regarding the present land of the fine art of in situ remediation techniques.

  • Richard Ekins Richard Ekins
  • D. Rex

This paper considers Ray Blanchard'southward taxonomic, typological and diagnostic approach to his concept of 'autogynephilia' ('love of oneself as a woman') in male-to-female transsexuals, in the context of Anne Lawrence'southward appropriation of the concept in the service of her personal transgendering identity formation and transgendering identity politics. A striking contemporary instance of the umbilical cord that exists between the formulations of scientific discipline and those of sections of the transgendered community is provided by the interrelations betwixt Blanchard's and Lawrence's work on autogynephilia. The concept of autogynephilia is considered from the standpoint of the folklore of transgendering put forward in Ekins (1997) and Ekins and King (1999, 2001a, 2001b). In particular, the interrelations between transgendering, 'migrating' and the role of autogynephilia are examined with reference to selected material from life history work with 3 male-to-female transsexual informants. While information technology is non difficult to detect autogynephilic components in transgendering trajectories, the interesting questions relate to the status of those components over diverse trajectories, including the constituting and consolidating (Ekins, 1993, 1997) of autogynephilic identities. The sociological approach presented in this paper provides the conceptual wherewithal to unpack a number of controversial bug surrounding the concept of autogynephilia and its reception.

  • Anne A Lawrence Anne A Lawrence

Autogynephilia is defined as a male's propensity to exist sexually aroused by the thought or image of himself as female. Autogynephilia explains the desire for sex reassignment of some male-to-female (MTF) transsexuals. It tin can be conceptualized as both a paraphilia and a sexual orientation. The concept of autogynephilia provides an alternative to the traditional model of transsexualism that emphasizes gender identity. Autogynephilia helps explicate mid-life MTF gender transition, progression from transvestism to transsexualism, the prevalence of other paraphilias among MTF transsexuals, and late development of sexual interest in male partners. Hormone therapy and sex reassignment surgery tin be effective treatments in autogynephilic transsexualism. The concept of autogynephilia tin can assistance clinicians better understand MTF transsexual clients who recognize a stiff sexual component to their gender dysphoria.

  • Ray Blanchard Ray Blanchard
  • Leonard H. Clemmensen

This report sought to determine the proportion of adult, male, heterosexual cantankerous‐dressers who acknowledge both gender dysphoria and at to the lowest degree occasional fetishistic response to cross‐dressing. Subjects were 193 outpatients of the gender identity dispensary or behavioral sexology department of a psychiatric instruction hospital. Questionnaire items were used to assess subjects' current level of gender dysphoria and their recent history of sexual response to cantankerous‐dressing. Subjects who reported higher levels of gender dysphoria tended to report lower frequencies of sexual arousal with cross‐dressing (r = ‐.56, p < .0001) and lower frequencies of masturbation with cantankerous‐dressing (r = ‐.62, p < .0001). About one-half of fifty-fifty the most strongly gender dysphoric subjects, however, acknowledged that they all the same become sexually aroused or masturbate at least occasionally when cross‐dressing. These findings indicate a need for revision in the DSM‐III‐R'southward diagnostic criteria for transvestism and gender identity disorders, which presuppose that gender dysphoria and fetishistic reactions are mutually exclusive.

  • Neil Buhrich

The literature apropos the motivation for corss-dressing in heterosexual transvestism is briefly reviewed. Thirty-three members of a club estiblished for hetersexual transvestities were interviewed. The sensations they derived fro cross-dressing and the importance of compulsive and nacissistic aspects in their transvestite behaviour were assessed and compared with those reported by 24 transsexual subjects. While cross-dressed, transvesitite and transsexula subjects ofttimes reorted feeling relaxed, comfortable and relieved of masculine demands. Transvestite subjects showed significantly more compulsive and nacrissistic aspects in their transvestite behaviour than transsexula subjects. Fetishistic pleasure was infrequently given every bit a motivation for cross-dressing.